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Share this article Share Talk of a new era of freedom is hugely premature. The truth is Islamic fundamentalists, under the cloak of democracy, are already imposing their own brutal puritanism When David Cameron visited Egypt this week, there were too few signs of the budding liberal democracy which he and other Western leaders had envisioned.

He could hardly congratulate his host, a former Air Force commander, for what was, in effect, another military coup. There was no Lech Walesa figure for him to meet, no secular democratic champion of the new Egypt. The Muslim Brotherhood remains the only political group of any note. And to pay as little attention as possible to the events in Tunisia. For all its restrictions on direct political participation, for decades, Tunisia was the most secular and progressive country the Islamic world has ever known.

The regime was the least brutal in the region, its people the wealthiest and best educated. The poverty level was just 4 per cent when the revolution broke out, which is among the lowest in the world. Eighty per cent of the population belonged to the middle class. And the education system — allocated more funding than the army — ranked 17th globally in terms of quality.

The veil was banned in public institutions, polygamy was outlawed, mosques were shuttered outside prayer times, and men needed permission from the local police to grow a beard. It was the only Muslim country where abortion was legal, where frank sex education was compulsory in schools, and where children had it drummed into their heads that religion and politics were distinct and separate. Radical Islamists opposed to this strict secular order were either exiled or imprisoned.

Now, however, with the collapse of the old order, the Islamists are starting to come back — with a vengeance. At least one group saw the warning signs. A few weeks before the Islamist-led violence, a small and peaceful protest was held by secular women against any move towards a more Islamist way of life. Radical Islamists opposed to strict secular order were either exiled or imprisoned. Ghannouchi has been careful to distance himself from the subsequent violence. The West, it seems to me, should be equally troubled.

The Islamists have, through hate campaigns, set the social agenda in Tunisia even before elections have been proposed. Without a similarly assertive counterpart, there is every chance they will also fill the power vacuum being created from Cairo to Tripoli.

The slogans on placards gave the West plenty of cause for hope, as did the westernised Egyptians who tweeted their commentary in English.

But placards are a poor proxy for the vox populi. Sensing their moment may be nigh, the Muslim Brotherhood — harbouring a long-cherished goal of establishing an Islamist state in Egypt — is already increasing its sway in the post-revolutionary land of the Pharaohs. If, as seems inevitable, the Brotherhood gains sway over the government by joining in a coalition when parliamentary elections are held, it will find itself in a position to put the institutional heft of the Egyptian state behind its puritanical agenda.

But neither did the Iranians before the ayatollahs took power. As a hint of what might be in store for Egypt, consider the city of Alexandria. Once it was a cosmopolitan summer resort famous for its secular, carefree atmosphere. Now it is about the least fun place to live in North Africa. All Muslim women in the city are veiled — among the young, often for fear of otherwise being labelled a whore. Most bars have stopped serving alcohol, and the only women to be found on the beaches, even in the height of summer, are those taking care of their children — and they are invariably covered from head to toe in black.

It is a great mistake to assume democracy is an enemy of Islamism. When the gift of democracy is unwrapped in the Arab world, Islamists frequently spring out of the box. The jihadis may be despised by most Muslims, but often in Arab countries, only about 20 to 40 per cent of the population vote.

It is by no means impossible for the Islamists to secure a majority from the minority because their supporters are the most fanatical. W hatever the theory of democratisation in the Arab world, the history is clear: Democracy came to Morocco, and now the fundamentalist Party for Justice and Development PJD increases its number of seats at each election: Democracy came to Gaza, and the Islamist group Hamas took power. Even in Egypt, where the Muslim Brotherhood was officially outlawed, the group won a quarter of the parliamentary seats up for grabs six years ago.

But the Islamists seldom want to take control of the government machine; they have little interest in setting tax or energy policy. The influence they seek is cultural totalitarianism. Bereft of sensible — let alone practical — solutions to the real ills that plague their societies, they aim to Islamise society from below. The events in Tunisia are merely an echo of what has been happening in the region for a decade. In Yemen, Islamists have long since been busy raiding alleged brothels and campaigning against all other forms of what they denounce — wrongly — as imported western decadence.

In Bahrain, too, the Islamists have explicitly dedicated themselves to clamping down on prostitution and the sale of alcohol. In Tunisia and Egypt, the Islamists have quickly ruled out running for the all-important presidency. They do not seek to lead a government, because with that power comes responsibility and accountability. All the Islamists require is to be louder, more forceful and better organised than their opponents. It would be foolish to argue that Arabs are somehow incapable of stable democratic government.

There is, indeed, a chance that they are setting out on a turbulent path to a brighter future, free from repressive dogma. Bradley is the author of Inside Egypt: Most watched News videos.

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Arab born free movie sex video

Share this article Share Talk of a new era of freedom is hugely premature. The truth is Islamic fundamentalists, under the cloak of democracy, are already imposing their own brutal puritanism When David Cameron visited Egypt this week, there were too few signs of the budding liberal democracy which he and other Western leaders had envisioned.

He could hardly congratulate his host, a former Air Force commander, for what was, in effect, another military coup. There was no Lech Walesa figure for him to meet, no secular democratic champion of the new Egypt. The Muslim Brotherhood remains the only political group of any note. And to pay as little attention as possible to the events in Tunisia. For all its restrictions on direct political participation, for decades, Tunisia was the most secular and progressive country the Islamic world has ever known.

The regime was the least brutal in the region, its people the wealthiest and best educated. The poverty level was just 4 per cent when the revolution broke out, which is among the lowest in the world.

Eighty per cent of the population belonged to the middle class. And the education system — allocated more funding than the army — ranked 17th globally in terms of quality. The veil was banned in public institutions, polygamy was outlawed, mosques were shuttered outside prayer times, and men needed permission from the local police to grow a beard.

It was the only Muslim country where abortion was legal, where frank sex education was compulsory in schools, and where children had it drummed into their heads that religion and politics were distinct and separate. Radical Islamists opposed to this strict secular order were either exiled or imprisoned. Now, however, with the collapse of the old order, the Islamists are starting to come back — with a vengeance.

At least one group saw the warning signs. A few weeks before the Islamist-led violence, a small and peaceful protest was held by secular women against any move towards a more Islamist way of life. Radical Islamists opposed to strict secular order were either exiled or imprisoned.

Ghannouchi has been careful to distance himself from the subsequent violence. The West, it seems to me, should be equally troubled. The Islamists have, through hate campaigns, set the social agenda in Tunisia even before elections have been proposed. Without a similarly assertive counterpart, there is every chance they will also fill the power vacuum being created from Cairo to Tripoli. The slogans on placards gave the West plenty of cause for hope, as did the westernised Egyptians who tweeted their commentary in English.

But placards are a poor proxy for the vox populi. Sensing their moment may be nigh, the Muslim Brotherhood — harbouring a long-cherished goal of establishing an Islamist state in Egypt — is already increasing its sway in the post-revolutionary land of the Pharaohs. If, as seems inevitable, the Brotherhood gains sway over the government by joining in a coalition when parliamentary elections are held, it will find itself in a position to put the institutional heft of the Egyptian state behind its puritanical agenda.

But neither did the Iranians before the ayatollahs took power. As a hint of what might be in store for Egypt, consider the city of Alexandria. Once it was a cosmopolitan summer resort famous for its secular, carefree atmosphere. Now it is about the least fun place to live in North Africa. All Muslim women in the city are veiled — among the young, often for fear of otherwise being labelled a whore.

Most bars have stopped serving alcohol, and the only women to be found on the beaches, even in the height of summer, are those taking care of their children — and they are invariably covered from head to toe in black. It is a great mistake to assume democracy is an enemy of Islamism.

When the gift of democracy is unwrapped in the Arab world, Islamists frequently spring out of the box. The jihadis may be despised by most Muslims, but often in Arab countries, only about 20 to 40 per cent of the population vote.

It is by no means impossible for the Islamists to secure a majority from the minority because their supporters are the most fanatical.

W hatever the theory of democratisation in the Arab world, the history is clear: Democracy came to Morocco, and now the fundamentalist Party for Justice and Development PJD increases its number of seats at each election: Democracy came to Gaza, and the Islamist group Hamas took power. Even in Egypt, where the Muslim Brotherhood was officially outlawed, the group won a quarter of the parliamentary seats up for grabs six years ago. But the Islamists seldom want to take control of the government machine; they have little interest in setting tax or energy policy.

The influence they seek is cultural totalitarianism. Bereft of sensible — let alone practical — solutions to the real ills that plague their societies, they aim to Islamise society from below. The events in Tunisia are merely an echo of what has been happening in the region for a decade. In Yemen, Islamists have long since been busy raiding alleged brothels and campaigning against all other forms of what they denounce — wrongly — as imported western decadence.

In Bahrain, too, the Islamists have explicitly dedicated themselves to clamping down on prostitution and the sale of alcohol. In Tunisia and Egypt, the Islamists have quickly ruled out running for the all-important presidency.

They do not seek to lead a government, because with that power comes responsibility and accountability. All the Islamists require is to be louder, more forceful and better organised than their opponents. It would be foolish to argue that Arabs are somehow incapable of stable democratic government. There is, indeed, a chance that they are setting out on a turbulent path to a brighter future, free from repressive dogma. Bradley is the author of Inside Egypt: Most watched News videos.

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5 Comments

  1. Bradley is the author of Inside Egypt: Now, however, with the collapse of the old order, the Islamists are starting to come back — with a vengeance. The Muslim Brotherhood remains the only political group of any note.

  2. Now, however, with the collapse of the old order, the Islamists are starting to come back — with a vengeance.

  3. When the gift of democracy is unwrapped in the Arab world, Islamists frequently spring out of the box.

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