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Data sets and analytic tools used to analyse them. Results Men in the Canadian Internet Use Survey of reflect a pattern repeated elsewhere in these analyses.

The older the respondent, the less technographically-inclined he appears. As an example, examining the responses of males to the Internet Use Survey reflects a clear trend for younger men to report using the Internet more often Figure 3.

This trend is also evident in the reported number of hours spent on the Internet from home Figure 4. Further, in this national Canadian sample, younger men reported that they were more likely to chat or blog on the Internet Figure 5 and instant message Figure 6 than older men. Conversely, the older the respondent, the less likely he was to use the Internet, spend hours on the Internet from home, or use the Internet to chat, blog or instant message.

Similar national data are not available specifically for gay men and other MSM in Canada, however, data to reflect trends among gay men and other MSM in Ontario were available. Among the questions posed was whether men had used the Internet to seek sex in the previous six months. Descriptive analysis suggests that there is a clear stepwise trend by age Figure 7 with younger men more likely to report Internet use to seek sexual partners than older men.

Proportion of men in 13 Ontario communities who looked for sex with men on the Internet in the past 6 months, by age [6]. Five years later, a similar question was asked of the M-Track Ontario [Lambda] sample of self-identified men who have sex with men from the province of Ontario. In the Lambda study, younger men were also more likely than older men to report using the Internet to look for sex Figure 8. Interestingly, as illustrated in Figure 9, there was a near-consistent trend for more men in all age groups to report using the Internet to seek sex in than in Proportion of men who looked for sex with men on the Internet, past 12 months, by age [7].

The analyses of the first three data sets support our argument about how in Canada, men of varying age groups, including gay men and other MSM, use the Internet in different ways. The social technographics of men in Canada and the United States [9]. As the figure shows, the trend was for younger men to report more participatory social web activity and greater content creation.

Discussion This paper has conducted a series of trend analyses to illustrate generational differences among men in different parts of Canada, and their use of the Internet and the social web. It has focused on gay men and other MSM and their reported use of the Internet to seek sex.

While the datasets are marked by differences, including variation in study objectives, populations, recruitment strategies and final samples, together their analyses inform a narrative of the socially technographic male. The data examined suggest that the technographics of men in Canada including gay men and other MSM are structured by age. Concurrently, analysis has shown that the younger the man, the more likely he is to be a Creator and Critic, in addition to being a consumer of social content; whereas, the older the man, the more likely he will be either a Spectator or Inactive as a consumer of social content.

That is, that younger men have more Web 2. Yet, this study has not considered an array of other demographics, including gender, geography, education and socioeconomic status. Kippax, personal communication, June 12, and Mahajan et al. Implications for HIV Research, Prevention and Outreach A social technographic approach holds that contemporary marketing and consumer engagement perspectives require consideration of how a target audience will come to be engaged, what will be offered to engage them, and specific to the web, the ways that different kinds of content, features, activities and interfaces can create paths for participation Li et al.

Incorporating a social technographics perspective into HIV research, outreach and prevention activities would begin by understanding the social technographic profiles of the target audience s and to develop understandings of the social computing technologies these audiences both favour and tend to use.

It would also do this to develop and make available different opportunities for participation that match or are attractive to the distinct ways these technographic groupings tend to approach and utilise the social web. An example is when those active as Spectators evolve to become Collectors, or when Collectors advance to become Creators Li et al.

Potential technographic evolution across the life course. At the same time, a technographically-informed approach would have us remain attentive to the ways that developments within the social web can occur at a rate that may challenge research and outreach. For researchers, the preponderance of Web 2.

That is the kind of society where people purposefully and actively participate in publicly revealing many different kinds of information about themselves. At the same time however, the research enterprise needs to contend with the fact that it and the researchers: Their agenda, in this case the user of Web 2.

In reflecting on the divergent datasets explored here, on the overlapping trends identified, and on reflections in the literature that validate these findings, we argue that research, education and outreach across these wired venues will need to consider how to modify or complement existing approaches that utilise the social web. This is because while research and other activities that incorporate social content may be well-suited to being observed, responded to, organised and disseminated to others by younger men, similar activities aimed at older men in Canada also should consider concurrently tailoring more traditional forms of outreach and interaction.

Conclusion To consider the social technographics of gay men and other MSM in Canada, we used trend analysis to highlight technographic patterns between subgroups.

We argue that the Internet alone is not sufficient to reflect and shape social and sexual lives. Rather, consideration of the power of the Internet to modify social and sexual lives needs to account for how social producers such as age, geography and accessibility act to moderate lived experience. As Wellman and Hogan explain: The Internet plugs in to existing social structures: However, we would add that understandings of the ways people interact with virtual environments as Web 1.

This is because what differentiates the use of Web 1. An example of this would be older, more technologically-inactive men who may not find it quite so easy to fluidly incorporate new forms of social structures into their social lives.

It might be also that the divide between life lived on and off the Internet, may be reflective of forms of risk and harm minimisation compartmentalised not only by risk environment, demographic or determinant, but by technographic as well.

This paper has not considered risk relative to social technographics. It has considered the seeking of sexual partners via the Internet and its relationship with age, yet not whether seeking sex in itself is inherently risky. While some have suggested that those who use the Internet to seek sexual partners may be greater risk takers, this paper cannot contribute to this debate other than to inform a nascent body of literature which reflects on the technographics of those that use the social web.

At the same time, the web and patterns of web use, in a country like Canada, have proved far from static. Because of this, …the story would not stop here.

Just as Web 1. For those who do use the social web to create or access opportunities for sex, gratification can appear in multiple forms. Some of these forms may be purely voyeuristic, while others intimately interpersonal.

How then, in an evolving era of transformative virtual intimacies, might HIV work itself evolve in response? The lessons such considerations offer to those who are seeking to capitalise on the social web for purposes related to HIV research, prevention and outreach are multiple.

As we have argued here, the role of age relative to Internet use would be one of the factors to consider. Another lesson for HIV research, prevention and outreach would be to recognise that even when considered through the lens of socially producing or structuring categories, users may not necessarily be homogeneous.

We would argue that an additional point of consideration and of caution would be for HIV research, prevention and outreach practitioners and the policies that guide and inform them to guard against tendencies to focus work only on the seemingly ever-expanding frontier that is the World Wide Web.

Rather HIV is transmitted by human physical relations. As such our attentions to the porousness of the HIVe should be complemented also by our attention to the harder and fleshier physical world. Throughout this paper we have argued that HIV research, prevention and outreach that employ social media have a better likelihood of successful impact when targeted to younger age categories of men in Canada.

Additionally we argue research, prevention and outreach activities aimed at older age categories of men will have a greater likelihood of impact when utilising more traditional forms of communication.

This is not to imply that older men should be excluded from HIV work that seeks to engage them with social media, but rather, that our findings suggest that many older men are less engaged with social media because they tend to direct their energies towards more traditional forms of social interaction. We would contend that these differential forms of engagement result in part from kinship practices, as well as the habits and identities employed by older men as they navigate spaces where men meet or interact with other men for sex.

Our argument has built on analyses that highlight the ways that the patterns of gay men and other MSMuse of new mediums for social and sexual purposes may continue to evolve as different and more varied social media communication applications become available. Also, and importantly, how, as a result, HIV research, prevention and outreach interventions will need to continue to monitor these developments in order that they may shift accordingly. Such activities would be encouraged to consider stratifying research recruitment, information delivery and outreach educational activities based on the kinds of social technographics reflected in this paper, so as not discriminate or otherwise negate late or non-adopters of the kinds of liquidities promoted by the social web.

When do online sexual fantasies become reality? The contribution of erotic chatting via the Internet to sexual risk-taking in gay and other men who have sex with men. Health Education Research, 26 3 , Delayed application of condoms with safer and unsafe sex: Factors associated with HIV risk in a community sample of gay and bisexual men. Getting it on line: Sociological perspectives on e-dating. Journal of Sociology, 44 2 , Researching a confessional society.

International Journal of Market Research, 50 5 , The delivery of public health interventions via the Internet: Annual Review of Public Health, 30, Men who have met sex partners via the Internet: Prevalence, predictors, and implications for HIV prevention. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 31, Adult health behaviors over the life course by sexual orientation.

American Journal of Public Health, 2 , The emerging Web 2. Health Information and Libraries Journal, 24, Older and newer media: Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21 1 , Cybersex in Portuguese chat rooms: A study of sexual behaviors related to online sex. Toward an increased understanding of user demographics in online sexual activities. How valuable is medical social media data? Content analysis of the medical web. Information Sciences, 12 , Purchasing sexual merchandise on the Internet.

International Journal of Sexual Health, 23 2 , A critical review of 15 years of research.

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Meet for gay sex canada

Data sets and analytic tools used to analyse them. Results Men in the Canadian Internet Use Survey of reflect a pattern repeated elsewhere in these analyses.

The older the respondent, the less technographically-inclined he appears. As an example, examining the responses of males to the Internet Use Survey reflects a clear trend for younger men to report using the Internet more often Figure 3.

This trend is also evident in the reported number of hours spent on the Internet from home Figure 4. Further, in this national Canadian sample, younger men reported that they were more likely to chat or blog on the Internet Figure 5 and instant message Figure 6 than older men. Conversely, the older the respondent, the less likely he was to use the Internet, spend hours on the Internet from home, or use the Internet to chat, blog or instant message.

Similar national data are not available specifically for gay men and other MSM in Canada, however, data to reflect trends among gay men and other MSM in Ontario were available. Among the questions posed was whether men had used the Internet to seek sex in the previous six months. Descriptive analysis suggests that there is a clear stepwise trend by age Figure 7 with younger men more likely to report Internet use to seek sexual partners than older men.

Proportion of men in 13 Ontario communities who looked for sex with men on the Internet in the past 6 months, by age [6]. Five years later, a similar question was asked of the M-Track Ontario [Lambda] sample of self-identified men who have sex with men from the province of Ontario.

In the Lambda study, younger men were also more likely than older men to report using the Internet to look for sex Figure 8. Interestingly, as illustrated in Figure 9, there was a near-consistent trend for more men in all age groups to report using the Internet to seek sex in than in Proportion of men who looked for sex with men on the Internet, past 12 months, by age [7].

The analyses of the first three data sets support our argument about how in Canada, men of varying age groups, including gay men and other MSM, use the Internet in different ways. The social technographics of men in Canada and the United States [9]. As the figure shows, the trend was for younger men to report more participatory social web activity and greater content creation. Discussion This paper has conducted a series of trend analyses to illustrate generational differences among men in different parts of Canada, and their use of the Internet and the social web.

It has focused on gay men and other MSM and their reported use of the Internet to seek sex. While the datasets are marked by differences, including variation in study objectives, populations, recruitment strategies and final samples, together their analyses inform a narrative of the socially technographic male.

The data examined suggest that the technographics of men in Canada including gay men and other MSM are structured by age. Concurrently, analysis has shown that the younger the man, the more likely he is to be a Creator and Critic, in addition to being a consumer of social content; whereas, the older the man, the more likely he will be either a Spectator or Inactive as a consumer of social content. That is, that younger men have more Web 2. Yet, this study has not considered an array of other demographics, including gender, geography, education and socioeconomic status.

Kippax, personal communication, June 12, and Mahajan et al. Implications for HIV Research, Prevention and Outreach A social technographic approach holds that contemporary marketing and consumer engagement perspectives require consideration of how a target audience will come to be engaged, what will be offered to engage them, and specific to the web, the ways that different kinds of content, features, activities and interfaces can create paths for participation Li et al.

Incorporating a social technographics perspective into HIV research, outreach and prevention activities would begin by understanding the social technographic profiles of the target audience s and to develop understandings of the social computing technologies these audiences both favour and tend to use.

It would also do this to develop and make available different opportunities for participation that match or are attractive to the distinct ways these technographic groupings tend to approach and utilise the social web. An example is when those active as Spectators evolve to become Collectors, or when Collectors advance to become Creators Li et al. Potential technographic evolution across the life course. At the same time, a technographically-informed approach would have us remain attentive to the ways that developments within the social web can occur at a rate that may challenge research and outreach.

For researchers, the preponderance of Web 2. That is the kind of society where people purposefully and actively participate in publicly revealing many different kinds of information about themselves. At the same time however, the research enterprise needs to contend with the fact that it and the researchers: Their agenda, in this case the user of Web 2.

In reflecting on the divergent datasets explored here, on the overlapping trends identified, and on reflections in the literature that validate these findings, we argue that research, education and outreach across these wired venues will need to consider how to modify or complement existing approaches that utilise the social web. This is because while research and other activities that incorporate social content may be well-suited to being observed, responded to, organised and disseminated to others by younger men, similar activities aimed at older men in Canada also should consider concurrently tailoring more traditional forms of outreach and interaction.

Conclusion To consider the social technographics of gay men and other MSM in Canada, we used trend analysis to highlight technographic patterns between subgroups. We argue that the Internet alone is not sufficient to reflect and shape social and sexual lives.

Rather, consideration of the power of the Internet to modify social and sexual lives needs to account for how social producers such as age, geography and accessibility act to moderate lived experience. As Wellman and Hogan explain: The Internet plugs in to existing social structures: However, we would add that understandings of the ways people interact with virtual environments as Web 1.

This is because what differentiates the use of Web 1. An example of this would be older, more technologically-inactive men who may not find it quite so easy to fluidly incorporate new forms of social structures into their social lives.

It might be also that the divide between life lived on and off the Internet, may be reflective of forms of risk and harm minimisation compartmentalised not only by risk environment, demographic or determinant, but by technographic as well.

This paper has not considered risk relative to social technographics. It has considered the seeking of sexual partners via the Internet and its relationship with age, yet not whether seeking sex in itself is inherently risky. While some have suggested that those who use the Internet to seek sexual partners may be greater risk takers, this paper cannot contribute to this debate other than to inform a nascent body of literature which reflects on the technographics of those that use the social web.

At the same time, the web and patterns of web use, in a country like Canada, have proved far from static. Because of this, …the story would not stop here. Just as Web 1. For those who do use the social web to create or access opportunities for sex, gratification can appear in multiple forms.

Some of these forms may be purely voyeuristic, while others intimately interpersonal. How then, in an evolving era of transformative virtual intimacies, might HIV work itself evolve in response? The lessons such considerations offer to those who are seeking to capitalise on the social web for purposes related to HIV research, prevention and outreach are multiple.

As we have argued here, the role of age relative to Internet use would be one of the factors to consider. Another lesson for HIV research, prevention and outreach would be to recognise that even when considered through the lens of socially producing or structuring categories, users may not necessarily be homogeneous. We would argue that an additional point of consideration and of caution would be for HIV research, prevention and outreach practitioners and the policies that guide and inform them to guard against tendencies to focus work only on the seemingly ever-expanding frontier that is the World Wide Web.

Rather HIV is transmitted by human physical relations. As such our attentions to the porousness of the HIVe should be complemented also by our attention to the harder and fleshier physical world.

Throughout this paper we have argued that HIV research, prevention and outreach that employ social media have a better likelihood of successful impact when targeted to younger age categories of men in Canada. Additionally we argue research, prevention and outreach activities aimed at older age categories of men will have a greater likelihood of impact when utilising more traditional forms of communication. This is not to imply that older men should be excluded from HIV work that seeks to engage them with social media, but rather, that our findings suggest that many older men are less engaged with social media because they tend to direct their energies towards more traditional forms of social interaction.

We would contend that these differential forms of engagement result in part from kinship practices, as well as the habits and identities employed by older men as they navigate spaces where men meet or interact with other men for sex.

Our argument has built on analyses that highlight the ways that the patterns of gay men and other MSMuse of new mediums for social and sexual purposes may continue to evolve as different and more varied social media communication applications become available. Also, and importantly, how, as a result, HIV research, prevention and outreach interventions will need to continue to monitor these developments in order that they may shift accordingly.

Such activities would be encouraged to consider stratifying research recruitment, information delivery and outreach educational activities based on the kinds of social technographics reflected in this paper, so as not discriminate or otherwise negate late or non-adopters of the kinds of liquidities promoted by the social web.

When do online sexual fantasies become reality? The contribution of erotic chatting via the Internet to sexual risk-taking in gay and other men who have sex with men. Health Education Research, 26 3 , Delayed application of condoms with safer and unsafe sex: Factors associated with HIV risk in a community sample of gay and bisexual men. Getting it on line: Sociological perspectives on e-dating. Journal of Sociology, 44 2 , Researching a confessional society.

International Journal of Market Research, 50 5 , The delivery of public health interventions via the Internet: Annual Review of Public Health, 30, Men who have met sex partners via the Internet: Prevalence, predictors, and implications for HIV prevention. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 31, Adult health behaviors over the life course by sexual orientation. American Journal of Public Health, 2 , The emerging Web 2.

Health Information and Libraries Journal, 24, Older and newer media: Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21 1 , Cybersex in Portuguese chat rooms: A study of sexual behaviors related to online sex. Toward an increased understanding of user demographics in online sexual activities. How valuable is medical social media data?

Content analysis of the medical web. Information Sciences, 12 , Purchasing sexual merchandise on the Internet. International Journal of Sexual Health, 23 2 , A critical review of 15 years of research.

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  2. As Wellman and Hogan explain: Computers in Human Behavior, 27 5 , This is because while research and other activities that incorporate social content may be well-suited to being observed, responded to, organised and disseminated to others by younger men, similar activities aimed at older men in Canada also should consider concurrently tailoring more traditional forms of outreach and interaction.

  3. At the same time, a technographically-informed approach would have us remain attentive to the ways that developments within the social web can occur at a rate that may challenge research and outreach.

  4. A content analysis of Facebook profile photographs. Mark's Baths in New York City, with the assistance of the League of Women Voters , conducted a voter registration drive on its premises. Demarginalizing the sexual self.

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